A ship flying the Ottoman flag in the Venetian lagoon at the sunset of the Maritime Republic

Summary

The Republic of Venice constantly supported the contagionist hypothesis playing the role of pioneer and  model for the  measures adopted to prevent the diffusion of epidemics, as testified by the establishment in its lagoon of the first lazaret since 1423. The study of two documents and the analysis of a commemorative coin of the late Serenissima Republic put in evidence relevant aspects of the Venetian struggle against the plague. Of particular interest is a detailed report, preserved in the State Archive of Venice, on the successful containment of the plague aboard an Ottoman ship, which reached the lagoon  in 1793

Thanks to strict measures, yet very crucial and supportive, most of the crew members survived and eventually could sail safely back to their homeland. The feelings of gratitude for the Republic are well documented by a letter written to the Venetian health officers by the captain and the surviving Ottoman crew. This primary source further records how, at the end of 18^th century, at the sunset of the  Venetian State and in parallel with the decreased strength  of the Ottoman Empire,  the mutual attitude of the two powers was not longer aggressive, to such an extent as to give rise in the art and literature of the Republic of San Marco  to the character of  “the good Turk”.

Key words: Republic of Venice, Ottoman Empire, plague, epidemics, lazaret, quarantine, osella

The Plague

The aetiological agent of the plague has been known for just over a century and was named Yersinia Pestis in honor of its discoverer Alexandre Yersin (1863-1943), who isolated it in 1894 during an outbreak in Hong Kong  (1); in the same city and in the same year, however, the Japanese Shibasaburo Kitasato (1852-1931), conducting independent research, also came to the identification of the germ. Three years after the isolation of the bacterium, another Japanese, Masanori Ogata, was able to fully explain the different stages of propagation of the infection (2):the vector of the disease turned out to be a flea of the rat, the “Xenopsilla cheopis”, which bites the host and regurgitates in its circulatory stream, which is thus infected, the cap consisting of bacilli and blood that occludes its esophageal sac  The infection can also be transmitted through the feces of the flea when, following the itching, the host gets scratch wounds that allow the germ to enter the body. The spread of the disease is more likely to be epidemic when the common rat or black rat (rattus rattus), which has domestic habits, is infected, rather than the rat of the spurs or gray rat (rattus norvegicus), which is responsible predominantly of isolated foci of infection.  Besides the heterologous modality from the rat flea to the man, there is also the possibility of homologous diffusion, through the man flea or “Pulex irritans”. There is also an even more fearsome transmission route, represented by the airway, which gives rise to the pulmonary form of plague, almost always lethal (2). It is therefore evident how the disease could find suitable conditions of diffusion in the precarious hygiene conditions and its transmission be facilitated by the commercial exchanges that favored the contacts with the more distant countries that constituted the reservoirs of the disease; or, in times of epidemics, between the Countries infected and those not yet affected.

Eight centuries after the wave that struck the empire of Justinian, the plague raged again on Europe in the mid-fourteenth century, coming from Asia. As is known, the first European center to spread the epidemic was Caffa, in the Crimea. In 1347 the Tartar army besieging the city was hit by the plague; according to the chronicles of the time, forced to raise the tents, the besiegers catapulted the corpses of the plague victims inside the walls, thus infecting the inhabitants with a sort of biological war ante litteram (3). The further extension of the infection took place mainly by sea, on the merchant ships that from Caffa sailed to Italian seaports of Messina, Genoa and Venice.

Notoriously, the then open debate on the origin of plague continued for centuries, counterposing the miasmatic hypothesis to that contagionist. Within the two interpretative paradigms, in the absence of any microbial conception, contemporaries invoked different causal factors, including telluric factors, as can be seen from the writing still visible in the entrance hall of the Scuola Grande della Carità di Venezia, nowadays Accademia di Belle Arti, dating back to the years immediately following the pandemic of 1348. The following passage, containing a careful description of the most characteristic clinical manifestations of the plague, is illuminating about the belief of that time:  “… around sunset time there was a violent earthquake in Venice and almost all over the world and fell many peaks of bell towers and houses and chimneys and the church of San Basilio, and caused so much terror that almost all the people feared to die, and the earthquake did not cease for forty days; and after this began a great death and people died for various illnesses and causes; some spat blood and some were hit by swelling in the armpits and groins, and some with black patches spread arund the body, and it seemed that these evils passed from one person to another, from the sick to the healthy “ (4).

Since the great epidemic that hit various regions of Europe and Mediterranean basin for some years starting from 1347-48, the lethal disease constituted a periodic threat that from the endemic outbreaks of the East loomed over Europe.

The struggle

The  experience made during the epidemics of the  XIV century contributed to the affirmation of the contagionist hypothesis of which Venice remained vigorous supporter for the entire period of its history (5,6).

 This theory maintained that the  cause of the  plague,  identified with the so called miasma,  corrupting the air  and decomposing the bodies, could attach from an individual to another, or even adhere itself to  clothing or to objects, thereafter passing to whoever touched them. Accordingly, systematic measures of isolation, such as sanitary cordons, quarantine and disinfection were taken (2, 7).

In 1423, the Senate ruled out  to assign the monastery of Saint Mary of Nazareth  to the isolation of people affected by the plague. This island was thus transformed into the tainted pesthouse, to become later the Lazzaretto Vecchio (Old Lazaret) (fig. 1), the first institution to be established for this purpose. 

Places of origin of a traveller or of a ship were classified as infected (“ in which the plague reigns”), suspected (“which for a given extension of territory border with the infected”), suspended (“which border with the suspected”) and free (“bearing no suspect of contagious disease”). In this last case, according to the habitual formula, the location was decreted  as “..healthy (thanks to God) and free from any doubt of contagious illness”:  a fede di sanità, that is a specific written licence bearing this statement, was released in such a condition by the local sanitary officers (fig. 2).

Otherwise, only  when the prescribed period of quarantine was terminated without evidence  of the plague the “libera prattica” (that is, free entrance) was granted. Even today in the Lazzaretto Nuovo (New Lazaret), established in 1464 for the quarantine, we can see the graffiti  done mostly during the sixteen century by people kept in isolation for such a long time (fig. 3).

The sanitary preoccupations of the Republic were particularly directed upon people and goods originating from the territories of the Ottoman Empire, with  which Venice maintained commercial ties of utmost relevance. On the terrestrial side, at the  border between Dalmatia and the Ottoman Empire, a pesthouse at Cattaro was constructed and other  pesthouses were built in the Venetian possessions in the Levante, the Venetian name for the territories facing the oriental Mediterranean sea, from where periodic  bouts of epidemics originated (8).

The measures of prevention against the importation of the contagion  included the disinfection of objects. The treatments varied according to the  quality and value  of the merchandise, but from a sanitary  standpoint two large groups were distinguished: “susceptible” and “not susceptible”. Under the name of “susceptible” goods were encompassed  those items that were considered to  be able to transmit the contagion;  to the contrary,  “not susceptible”  were those incapable of such a transmission. These included materials that by their nature seemed to retain more easily the “contagious miasma” such as  wool, clothes, rags, skins, feathers, rope; whereas, within the first group, were listed (quotation from a XVI century Venetian document) “..all of the lumber, wines, oils, cured and fresh meats, cheeses, metals, jewellery, money”, and further on “animals, without leash and harness, however; except dog, cat, sheep, mutton because these sortes of animals are able to propagate contagion”.

Disinfection of the goods took place with the “sborro”, that is the exposure to air and sun; or with heating, immersion in sea water, spraying with vinegar,  “perfuming”, that is  with   fumigation which aimed at neutralizing  the miasma substituting it with the fumes of  aromatic woods.

Two manuscripts, a commemorative coin, a letter

First manuscript

The finding of a manuscript notebook of the end of XVIII century of medical content (fig. 4) allowed us the  examination of an unpublished report contained within, that treats the problem of the propagation of  contagion, in relation with the closely attached problem regarding susceptible and  not susceptible  goods (9). Such a distinction, obviously with reference to the  pre-Pasteurian era, possessed remarkable importance. Indeed,  in the case a good was classified  as  susceptible,  it became necessary to adopt  the above mentioned measures, all of which had noteworthy direct and indirect costs. From the verbatim citations, the author is clearly identifiable as Ignazio Lotti, head physician of the Venetian Magistrate of Maritime Health, known for his endeavours at diffusing the practice of variolization in the domains of the Serenissima Republic.

Personal collection.

A second document, very important in this context, preserved in the State Archiv of Venice, will be also examined. It is a detailed report by the “Avvocato fiscale” (Public Attorney) Lorenzo Alugara on the successful containment of the plague wich reached the lagoon  on an Ottoman ship in 1793.  (10). The way we found it is rather curious.

The coin

Since 1521, under the dogado of Antonio Grimani (1521-1523), the Doge of Venice began distributing each year a specially minted silver coin to the members of the Maggior Consiglio. This tradition, which continued uninterrupted until the sunset of the Republic, replaced the symbolic annual gift that already from the thirteenth century the “Serenissimo Prencipe” offered to the patricians of the Maggior Consiglio in recognition of the emanation from their assembly of the dogal authority. The tribute consisted of five wild ducks of the lagoon with red legs, of particular value (“mazorin” or mallard). From the Venetian word “oselo” (wild duck, bird) derives the name “osella” given to these coins (11).

Although equipped with legal tender (12), the oselle often played the role of commemorative medal, reporting the most important events of the Serenissima Republic (13, 14).

Being  interested on the impact of the plague on the Venetian traditions, our accurate investigation brought us to identify, among the 275 oselle coined until the end of the Venetian State, five occasions (fig. 5, 6),  in which these coins were referring  to the plague (8).

The first coin of our interest dates back to 1576, during the dogado of Alvise Mocenigo (1570-1577). As from the inscription “REDEMPTORI VOTUM” (Votive offering to the Redeemer), it commemorates the Republic’s vote to build a church, subsequently realized by Andrea Palladio, dedicated to Christ the Redeemer, whose intercession was implored for the end of the epidemic (fig. 5, upper left corner).

This bout of plague, which broke out in June 1575 (15) and still today is remembered with the popular Festa del Redentore (Celebration of the Redeemer), ended in July 1577, not before approximately 25% of the Venetians were killed (16,17, 18, 19).

 The second osella (1577) recalls the end of the plague. It is the only coin minted during the short dogado of Sebastiano Venier (1577-78), the winner of Lepanto (October 7th, 1571). It presents a view of Venice and its fleet, dominated by the blessing image of the Redeemer, all surrounded by the words “MAGNA DEI MISERICORDIA SUP NOS” (Great is the mercy of God above us).

(fig. 5). The depiction of the fleet in the Basin of San Marco probably alludes to the victory of Lepanto due in large part to the Venetian contingent led by Venier.

Our research leads us to the third coin, dated 1630. Issued during the short dogado of Nicolò Contarini (1630-1631), the coin refers to the epidemic which broke out in June (20). Even more devastating than the previous one, it killed 30% of the population (21).

The osella (fig. 5) depicts the façade of a church (22). Around it reads “IN TRIBULATIONE DILATASTI MIHI” (In suffering you gave me relief). This  is a reference to the votive church Santa Maria della Salute, subsequently built by Baldassarre Longhena, dedicated to the Virgin Mary to implore the end of the epidemic.

The fourth osella (fig. 5) is coined by the Doge Francesco Erizzo (1631-1646) the following year. It represents a myrrh plant, whose scents are spread by the winds, depicted as putti with swollen cheeks. We read “DEDI SUAVITATEM ODORIS” (I emanated sweet aromas). This depiction celebrates the end of the plague, symbolized by the myrrh, capable of counteracting the infectious miasma with its aroma (23); thus, this symbolism has a double meaning, religious and medical.

The last coinage of interest for our research coincides with the last dogado of the Republic and is issued in 1793 by the doge Lodovico Manin (1789-1797), as reported on the reverse “Ludovici Manin Principis Munus. An V 1793″ (fig. 6). On the obverse, stands the image of the Virgin Mary (fig. 6). On the background, a ship is visible on her right, a church on her left. Around the writing “NEC NUPER DEFECI” (Even in this distress I did not abandon you). The successful containment of the epidemic broken out on a ship, promptly quarantined in the lagoon, is commemorated here. As can be seen from architecture of the church, the location is the island of Poveglia which, in parallel with the decline of the threat of the plague, replaced the ancient Lazzaretto Vecchio (1423) and Nuovo (1468) in the course of the eighteenth century.

The rather unknown iconography of the oselle of the plague series appears as a relevant document of the popular faith, since in most  instances a religious symbolism is prominent. However, the picture of the osella struck in 1793 (fig. 6),  makes a reference not only to the Virgin protection, but also to factual measures of isolation, clearly quoting a very interesting episode  of a  successful  fight  against the plague, the detailed report of which  we were then able to identify in the State Archives of the Republic in Venice (fig. 7).

The second manuscript

On june 5^th 1793 a “ Tartanella”, a little  commercial ship with a crew of thirty people, flying the Ottoman flag, reached the Venetian lagoon.  A case of bubonic plague developed. Strict preventive measures were immediately taken to stop the infection in the same place in the Poveglia’s canal (24), that for this purpose was get  rid of any other ship. The crew,  put ashore, was divided in affected and in suspect groups, wich were held in separate locations. An internal ward of soldiers was established on the island;  around it an  external circle of armed ships was put . As a whole, internal and external wards were formed by one hundred forty individuals, plus nine ships and two  boats (fig. 8). Everything – food, water, garments –  that was necessary for the well-being of the crew was supplied and continuous fires  were kept alive to purify the air from the  contagious miasma. At the end, twenty crew members survived and the plague was successfully contained within the island. Part of the report along with its translation can be read in bibliography (24).

The letter

The feelings of gratitude of these Ottoman subjects for the Republic are documented by the letter (fig. 9),  written to the Venice health officers by the captain and the surviving crew (25), whose translation we report here: “Oppressed by the most terrible disease that can afflict the human race, the Captain and the Sailors of the ship would remain unhappily victims of a cruel death if the Divine Providence… had not done, that the contagion would develop in this Veneto Port, where from the Sovereign Charity of this Merciful Government it was lent to these unfortunates with truly regal splendor every possible help… These unfortunates are only allowed to express here vivid sentiments of gratitude, which they must feel for this Immortal Republic… This obsequious piece will serve to eternal testimony of the reverent attachment… for this sky shed with so much gentleness, and with so much commiseration for the unhappy.

Free from all danger, kept at public expense, save their Ship, recovered their substances, they are allowed to return to their homeland… and there with the name Veneto in the mouth, wherever they will be carried by their navigations, they will celebrate [its Government] like the one of more pious and more generous…

Before departing…, let us spread genuflect  mixed tears of exultation, of gratitude, and  kiss the land of the authors of their unexpected and miraculous redemption. Thank you”

“Arrived on 18. October 1793 from the Captain and Crew”.

Conclusion

The examination of the above mentioned primary sources put in evidence relevant aspects of the Venetian  fight against the plague. Indeed, until its end the Serenissima costantly supported the contagionist hypothesis as documented by the establishment in its lagoon of the first lazaret since 1423, playing for all the span of its history the role of pioneer and  model for the  measures adopted to prevent the diffusion of epidemics.

 Of particular interest is the detailed report, preserved in the State Archive of Venice, on the successful containment of the plague aboard an Ottoman ship, which reached the lagoon  in 1793. Thanks to strict measures most of the crew members survived and eventually could sail safely back to their homeland. The feelings of gratitude for the Republic Serenissima are well documented by the letter written to the Venetian health officers by the captain and the surviving Ottoman crew. This primary source further records how, at the end of 18^th century, at the sunset of the  Venetian State and in parallel with the decreased strength  of the Ottoman Empire,  the mutual attitude of the two powers was not longer aggressive (26), to such an extent as to give rise in the art and literature of the Republic of San Marco  to the character of  “the good Turk”.

References

(1) BIRABEN JN. Les hommes et la peste en France et dans les pays européens et mèditerranèes (=Civilisations et Sociètès 36). 2 voll. Mouton, Parigi, Le Havre 1975 e 1976.
(2) BERGDOLT K. La peste nera e la fine del medioevo. Edizioni Piemme, Casale Monferrato 1997.
(3) HAESER H. Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medizin und der epidemische Krankheiten II Jena 1865 Citato da 2.
(4) MUELLER RC. Dalla reazione alla prevenzione. In: Venezia e la peste : 1348-1797. Marsilio editore, Venezia 1979, pp 81-82. Quotation: “…cerca ora de bespero fo gran taramoto in Venexia e quasi per tuto el mondo e caçe molte cime de canpanili e case e camini e la glesia de Sen Baseio, e fo sì gran spavento che quaxi tuta la çente pensava di morir, e non stete, la tera de tremar cerca dì XL; e può driedo questo començà una gran mortalitade e mori’a la çente de diverse malatie e rasion; alguni spudave sangue per la boca e alcuni vegniva glanduxe soto li scaii e a le lençene, e alguni vegniva lo mal del carbon per le carne, e pareva che questi mali se pi’ase l’un da l’oltro, çoè li sani da l’infermi…”.
(5) ZANCHIN G. Health and disease in the relationships between Venice and Istanbul. Proceedings of the 38th International Congress on the History of Medicine. Istanbul 2002, p 285.
(6) Zanchin G. The Lion’s Republic fight against the plague originating from the Levante Veneto. Proceedings of the IVth Balkan Congress of History of Medicine. Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Brasov, Vol. 6 (51), 2009 pp 181-184.
(7) PRETO P. Peste e società a Venezia, 1576. Neri Pozza editore, Vicenza 1978.
(8) Zanchin G, Mainardi F, Dainese F, Maggioni F. La pestilenza nelle “oselle”, monetazione celebrativa della Repubblica di Venezia. Atti del XLI Congresso Nazionale della Società Italiana di Storia della Medicina. Mesagne (Br) 2002,  pp 145-154.
(9) Lotti I. De multis rebus et de quibusdam aliis. Unpublished manuscript (private collection) 1812.
(10)  Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Provveditori alla Sanità, filza 251.
(11) Zorzi A. Il dono dei Dogi. Biblos Edizioni, Venezia 2009.
(12) CASANOVA LB. Oselle e medaglie votive. In: Venezia e la peste: 1348-1797. Marsilio editore, Venezia 1979, pp. 319-328.
(13) PAOLUCCI R. La zecca di Venezia. Paolucci editore, Padova 1991.
(14) MONTENEGRO E. I dogi e le loro monete. Montenegro editore, Torino 1993.
(15) STABILIS F. Brevis quaedam defensio contra nonnullos asserentes pudendorum inflammationem non    esse pestis, Venetiis, 1576. Citato da 7.
(16) Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Provveditori alla Sanità, Necrologi, 807-810. Citato da 18.
(17) Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Secreta, Materia miste notabili, reg 95/ cfr s 92/ c. 164. Citato da 18.
(18) PRETO P. Peste e demografia. In: Venezia e la peste: 1348-1797. Marsilio editore, Venezia 1979 pp 97-98.
(19) APOLLONIO F. La peste e il voto del 1576. Venezia, 1876.
(20) PRETO P. Le grandi pesti dell’età moderna. In: Venezia e la peste: 1348-1797. Marsilio editore, Venezia 1979 pp 123-148.
(21) Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Provveditori alla Sanità, reg. 17, cc 407-408v; BMC, ms Donà Dalle Rose 354, nn 15 e 16, cod. Cicogna 1509, cc 98-99v, cod. Cicogna 305/8, fasc 8 foglio staccato; Fonte Gradenigo Dolfin 190 (39) (cc 5-6, 214-215). Citato da 18.
(22) GIRARDI G. La peste di Venezia nel 1630. Origine della erezione del tempio a S. M. della Salute. Venezia 1830.
(23) CIPOLLA CM.  Miasmi ed umori. Ecologia e condizioni sanitarie in Toscana nel Seicento. Il Mulino, Bologna 1989.
(24) Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Provveditori alla Sanità, filza 251. The initial part of the text is reported here:“Comparve in questo porto, nella mattina del cinque giugno decorso, una Tartanella Idriota nominata S.Nicolò, di Bandiera Ottomana diretta dal Capitan Zuanne Mechxi q^m: Toderin Spezioto, con solo carico di Formagio salato, proveniente da Napoli di Romania, con equipaggio composto di trenta persone…  Solo nel giorno degli otto, …ad ora avanzata della mattinata giunse al Magistrato una Lettera del Guardiano di Sanità esistente sul Bordo della Tartanella predetta, cui espose, che …sin dal dì precedente,… [a] uno dei Marinaj… si erano  manifestati dei segni di mal contagioso,… e chiude… con la funesta notizia della morte del primo infermo… Scorse col più maturo ragionato Consiglio le massime statutarie sul governo di questa materia, e le pratiche usate in altri casi, risultò… che la più eminente… di tutte, quella fosse di tener possibilmente unito, e raccolto, il male…; e ch’era quindi necessario di fermar nello stesso luogo la nascente infezione… A questi gravissimi oggetti corrispondeva… l’Isola di Poveglia situata a quattro miglia circa di distanza dalla città…”. Translation from GZ:” On the morning of the 5th June, a Tartanella Idriota named S.Nicolò, of Ottoman Flag headed by Captain Zuanne Mechxi qm Toderin Spezioto, with a cargo of salted cheese, coming from Naples of Romania, with a  crew of thirty people…Only onJune 8th , at the advanced hour of the morning, a letter of the Health Officer aboard that ship notified that…since the day before… one of the sailors had shown signs of contagious disease… and concluded…with the fatal news of the death of the sick man… It was decided that… the most relevant measure…  was to avoid the diffusion of the disease…; and that it was therefore necessary to stop the nascent infection in the same place … in the suitable island of Poveglia located about four miles away from the city …”.
(25) Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Provveditori alla Sanità, filza 251. “Nota XXI Illmi Eccmi Signori Sopra Proveditor e Proveditori alla Sanità Aggressi dal più orribile morbo desolativo, che affligger possa l’uman genere, il Capitanio, e Marineri… sarebbero restati infelicemente vittime di una morte crudele, se la Divina Provvidenza… non avesse fatto, che il contagio si sviluppasse in questo Veneto Porto, dove dalla Sovrana Carità di questo Pietoso Governo fu prestato a questi sventurati con veramente regia splendidezza ogni possibile soccorso… A questi sfortunati è solamente concesso di esprimere qui vivi sentimenti di gratitudine, che sentir devono per questa Immortale Repubblica… Servirà questo ossequioso foglio ad eterna testimonianza del riverente attaccamento… per questo cielo sparso di tante soavità, e di tanta commiserazione per gli infelici. Liberi da ogni pericolo, mantenuti a pubbliche spese, salvo il loro Bastimento, ricuperate le loro sostanze, ritornar possono a rivedere la Patria loro… ed ivi col Veneto nome in bocca, dovunque saranno portati dalle loro navigazioni li celebreranno come quello di più pij, e dè più generosi fra gli uomini. Prima di partir.., sia loro permesso di spargere genuflessi lagrime miste di esultanza, di riconoscenza, e di bacciar quella Tera che in sé contiene gli autori della loro, inaspettata, e miracolosa redenzione. Grazie Pervenuta il 18. Ottobre 1793 dal Capitano, et Equipaggio”
(26) Berengo M. Il problema politico–sociale di Venezia e della sua terraferma. In: La civiltà veneziana del settecento. Firenze 1960, p. 72.

This paper is based mainly on references (6) and (8).